The Shock Doctrine is Alive and Well...This Time Right Here in the U.S.
Broad and diverse coalitions are needed to defend Democracy and build the collective efficacy needed for positive change
The turmoil and fear being created by the Trump-Musk-Project 2025 administration is eerily similar to something I experienced in 1973 when I was a young college student living in South America. That fall the U.S. government help orchestrate a military coup d'état that overthrew the democratically-elected government of Chile. American officials lied about what they did. They then helped the new dictator impose neoliberal economic policies on the populace that benefited U.S. corporations and the rich and harmed most Chileans and the environment.
Does any of this sound familiar?
What happened in Chile has been called the “shock doctrine,” and the new Presidential administration is now applying a version of it here on U.S. soil.
A Little History Might Help Explain the Process
Salvador Allende was the democratically elected President of Chile and, even though the upper class strongly opposed him and many political divisions existed, based on what I saw, his Popular Unity government was supported by poor Chileans because it was trying to reduce poverty and increase their wellbeing.
The U.S. government, however, feared that copper mines and other Chilean resources owned by U.S. corporations would be nationalized, those firms would lose multi-millions of dollars in profit, and other South American nations would follow suit and take back domestic resources owned by American and other foreign corporations. This led the CIA to help orchestrate a coup by Chilean General Augusto Pinochet.
Once in control he shut down Congress, abolished the constitution, imposed martial law, and established a police state that led to 17 years of abuse and violence against “socialists” and “liberals.” Opposition political parties were outlawed and local elected officials were removed and replaced by military appointees. Pinochet also systematically decimated civil society by imprisoning thousands of people, prohibiting free speech, closing newspapers, radio, and TV stations that opposed them, outlawing most labor unions, and publicly burning books and posters that even hinted at support for social solidarity and wellbeing.
Years later reports determined that more than 40,000 people were murdered, tortured, or disappeared, and tens of thousands of others were forced into exile.
Immediately after the coup, proclamations by U.S. officials, stories in the U.S. media, and articles in the English language newspapers I read in South America depicted it as an organic revolt against a widely unpopular authoritarian government. But those of us residing there knew that was a complete fabrication: the U.S. government had helped orchestrate the takeover to ensure continued corporate access to cheap Chilean resources and prevent the poor and middle-class from controlling their nation’s assets.
The Events in Chile Destroyed My Naivety About the Goodness of the U.S. Government
Reading and hearing the lies repeatedly spewed by U.S. officials to hide what they did and manipulate public opinion shattered all the illusions I had about the benevolence of our government and its commitment to freedom and democracy.
I have never forgotten that lesson. To this day, I know it is essential to always dig below the surface of political rhetoric to seek the truth. This usually involves following the money.
It took more than a year, but the American public eventually learned the truth about what happened when the U.S. media disclosed the CIA’s role. Henry Kissinger, advisor to then-President Richard Nixon, never completely disputed the story.
The U.S. Backed Pinochet Coup Enabled the “Shock Doctrine” to be Used First in Chile, and Then in Other Nations
The military coup and violence that followed in Chile was only part of the impact the U.S. had on Chile. With our government’s help, it became the first nation to use what University of Chicago economist Milton Friedman and his colleagues called “shock treatment” to force neoliberal economic policies on residents. Among their many actions were the deregulation of industries, the privatization of state-controlled pension plans, industries, and banks, and large tax cuts for the upper class.
Even as inflation skyrocketed by over 300 percent, worker incomes stagnated, and almost 40 percent of the populace continued to live in poverty, U.S. corporations made millions by extracting copper and other valuable resources from Chile, and the rich got richer.
Conditions have significantly improved in Chile since the 1970s, but it remains one the most economically unequal nations in the world, with the top 1 percent owning almost half the country’s total wealth.
And while progress has been made, Chile also continues to experience significant environmental problems including air and water pollution, deforestation, land degradation, and soil erosion. Some areas with heavy industrial industry are now considered “sacrifice zones” due to the presence of toxic substances and environmental degradation.
Studies have also determined that thousands of residents experienced extreme emotional trauma during the Pinochet reign-of-terror that produced mental health and psychosocial problems, and many of the victims continue to suffer today.
The imposition of neoliberal economic policies in Chile began a process that was repeated for decades by the U.S. government, and organizations such as the International Monetary Fund and World Bank in other South America countries, and in Africa, Asia, and European nations like Greece. They used actual or fabricated crisis to force counties to implement what became called “structural adjustment programs” that primarily benefited corporations, banks, and wealthy elites, and failed to help regular people or protect the environment.
This process was aptly described by Naomi Klein in her 2007 book The Shock Doctrine.
Analysts such Joseph Stiglitz, former senior vice president and chief economist of the World Bank, and others have documented how neoliberal economic policies always benefit corporations and the wealthy, and do little to improve the conditions of the general public. As seen in Chile and elsewhere, they almost always cause incomes to drop due to rising unemployment, the dismantling of public services, and other factors. Greater economic inequality, insecurity, and a degraded natural environment result, which causes the working class to feel anger, despair, and the sense of being ignored by those in power. One common outcome is accelerating social polarization that can become fertile ground for authoritarianism.
The Trump-Musk-Project 2025 Administration is Now Applying a Similar Strategy Right Here on U.S. Soil
Unlike Pinochet, Trump did not take office this year through a coup (although he tried to do so in 2020). However, despite their repeated failure, the Trump-Musk-Project 2025 administration and their co-conspirators are working overtime to impose policies and practices here in the U.S. that are unnervingly similar to those Pinochet and Milton Friedman’s Chicago Boys imposed on the Chilean population in the 1970s.
To justify their actions they proclaim that the U.S. is facing an unprecedented (mostly self-manufactured) emergency that requires wholesale changes in government and society.
Even as co-President Elon Musk and other Trump corporate and billionaire supporters get massive government contracts, subsidies, and tax breaks, they also assert that the only way to fix their self-proclaimed emergency is to liberate the so-called “free market.”
This will be done, they say, by cutting taxes on corporations and the wealthy, dramatically shrinking government, cutting all forms of public spending, deregulating businesses, invalidating environmental, climate, and health policies, and privatizing the public sphere which will likely include health care, social security, education, and other essential services, as well as national forest lands, parks, and other assets.
To make their agenda appear driven by more than raw greed and power, and appeal to Christian nationalists, they have added a bit of moralism by claiming that what they are doing is a Christian duty to prevent evil from prevailing.
Ample experience around the world makes it impossible to see how working class and rural residents will benefit from these actions. To the contrary, they are likely to experience even more distress. We should also expect more harmful air and water pollution, climate-damaging greenhouse gasses, and destructive extreme weather events, as well as social and economic injustices and inequities to follow.
As they pursue their agenda, again using tactics similar to what I saw in Chile, the administration is vilifying anyone who disagrees with them. This includes terminating their employment, or labeling them as radicals, liberals, socialists, communists, unpatriotic, or traitors. So far, they have gone after elected officials, judges, government employees, university professors, scientists, labor, social, and environmental justice advocates, and some non-profits. In time, their list of enemies is certain to grow, as will the intensity of their attacks.
Broad and Diverse Coalitions Are Needed To Defend Democracy
Is it possible to prevent the authoritarian takeover of our government and society? Yes, I believe it is. But it won’t be easy or happen overnight. As I have described in previous articles, we must form broad-based coalitions to create the collective efficacy needed to prevent harm and build the political pressure needed to set things in a positive direction.
As I learned years ago, one constant must be to always look below the administration’s political rhetoric and seek the truth. Look at what they do and who actually benefits, not what they say.
In addition, as challenging as it can be, rather than refusing to talk with neighbors that hold different political views, we must reach out and engage them in conversations to understand their perspectives, and share ours as well.
Only about a third of Trump’s base are far-right zealots who will support him no matter what he says or does. The other two thirds are either long-time Republicans who might now have concerns about what is happening, and people who feel left behind and are distressed by the lack of living-wage jobs, affordable housing, food, and health care, and other struggles. Talking with these people will often reveal common interests and concerns that can be addressed by working together.
As this occurs, invite Trump supporters and others in your community to participate in forming mutual aid networks. These are groups of residents who work together to provide many types of practical assistance, as well as food, water, shelter, and other basic services, to people in need. Organizing mutual aid networks can be a powerful way to overcome ideological divisions and engage people in supporting one another during difficult times.
As local bonds are formed, it will also be important to create links between different groups and organizations within your community, and with organizations in other regions, nations, and even internationally. History shows that building solidarity among numerous diverse groups is essential to create the political muscle needed to overcome authoritarian control and achieve safe, healthy, and just constructive change.